Before the 1970s, the United
States did not have any kind of prostitutes' organizations. Sex workers did not
have a formal way to collaborate for activism or simply to discuss their needs.
However, in 1973 The Point Foundation at Glide Memorial
Church gave ex-prostitute
and madam Margo St. James a $5000 grant to start the first prostitutes' rights
organization (Jenness 406). She founded the San Francisco-based Call Off Your Old Tired
Ethics, or COYOTE, which became one of the major players in the prostitutes'
rights movement (Jenness 403). During its first few years, COYOTE
worked to fight against the abuses of the legal and criminal justice system
towards prostitutes, the confining of those arrested to prevent the spread of
venereal disease (sound
familiar?), and the public perception of prostitution as a
legitimate use of law enforcement resources (Jenness 407).
Throughout the years, COYOTE's work has
been influenced by three key goals for changing society's understanding of
prostitution. Before I explore their history more in depth, I will briefly analyze each proposition:
1. Change society's perception from prostitution as crime to prostitution as work (Jenness 405).
Dolores French, who was the Florida COYOTE president, once explained that a "woman has the right to sell sexual services just as much as she has the right to sell her brains to a law firm where she works as a lawyer, or to sell her creative work to a museum when she works as an artist, or to sell her image to a photographer when she works as a model. . . " (qtd. In Jenness 405). Recognizing prostitution as work instead of as a crime is a shift that could benefit sex workers immensely. Changing prostitution's place in the legal sphere could eliminate the problems that sex workers face with law enforcement, while changing the rest of society's perception of sex work could reduce stigma.
1. Change society's perception from prostitution as crime to prostitution as work (Jenness 405).
Dolores French, who was the Florida COYOTE president, once explained that a "woman has the right to sell sexual services just as much as she has the right to sell her brains to a law firm where she works as a lawyer, or to sell her creative work to a museum when she works as an artist, or to sell her image to a photographer when she works as a model. . . " (qtd. In Jenness 405). Recognizing prostitution as work instead of as a crime is a shift that could benefit sex workers immensely. Changing prostitution's place in the legal sphere could eliminate the problems that sex workers face with law enforcement, while changing the rest of society's perception of sex work could reduce stigma.
2. Teach the public that most prostitutes
choose the work, even though it is illegal (Jenness 405).
This claim in particular is difficult for me to unpack. COYOTE has claimed "only 15 percent of prostitutes are coerced by third parties" (qtd. In Jenness 406). I am glad that COYOTE acknowledged the existence of coercion, but their claim that most prostitutes choose the profession seems to lack a necessary intersectional lens. What about race, class, and education level? What about all the other elements of a person's life that lead them to sex work? One study found that roughly half of prostitutes working in 1990s San Francisco had experienced childhood sexual abuse, and 84% experienced homelessness at some point in their lives (Farley and Barkan, 37).
Strangely, COYOTE has also claimed that "forced prostitution cannot be addressed until voluntary prostitution is legitimate" (qtd. In Jenness 406). Frankly, I disagree. Why can they not be addressed at the same time? Why can't we try to help women who want to leave prostitution do so while working to make it better for those who choose to do so?
This claim in particular is difficult for me to unpack. COYOTE has claimed "only 15 percent of prostitutes are coerced by third parties" (qtd. In Jenness 406). I am glad that COYOTE acknowledged the existence of coercion, but their claim that most prostitutes choose the profession seems to lack a necessary intersectional lens. What about race, class, and education level? What about all the other elements of a person's life that lead them to sex work? One study found that roughly half of prostitutes working in 1990s San Francisco had experienced childhood sexual abuse, and 84% experienced homelessness at some point in their lives (Farley and Barkan, 37).
Strangely, COYOTE has also claimed that "forced prostitution cannot be addressed until voluntary prostitution is legitimate" (qtd. In Jenness 406). Frankly, I disagree. Why can they not be addressed at the same time? Why can't we try to help women who want to leave prostitution do so while working to make it better for those who choose to do so?
3. Prostitution should be understood as a service profession and given the same protections that are given to other service professions (Jenness 405).
COYOTE
states that "prostitutes have the right to work independently, to work in
small collectives, or to work for agents, they should be covered by enlightened
employment policies providing paid sick leave and vacation, disability, health,
and workers compensation insurance, and social security, like other employed
workers" (qtd. In Jenness 406). This claim is valid—in fact, I think a form of legalized
prostitution still may need more protections than are given to other
professions, since sex work is a dangerous profession.
***
Buttons
from COYOTE's early years
As
the 70s progressed, COYOTE began to work with feminist organizations such as
the National Organization for Women (NOW) and the Wages for Housework Campaign.
In 1979, COYOTE began to fight with NOW for "the decriminalization of
prostitution, the Equal Rights Amendment, abortion funding, lesbian and gay
rights, and all other issues of importance to women." Fascinatingly, the
collaboration included members of COYOTE exposing to other feminist groups the
names of legislators who had voted against feminist concerns but also had been
a part of the sex workers' clientele. Two years earlier, COYOTE worked with the
Wages for Housework Campaign to raise awareness of the economic burden of
motherhood and housework, which often was alleviated via sex work. (Jenness 411).
As COYOTE began to immerse itself in feminist discourse, feminists began to theorize more about prostitution and policy. Some viewed sex work with a sex-positive framework, even going so far as to suggest that the "[p]rohibition [of prostitution] promotes disrespect for women, promotes violence and promotes rape. . . . If we had legalized porn and prostitution at the same time, we wouldn't be sitting on the powder keg of sex and violence we're sitting on in this country." (qtd. in Jenness 412). This claim, made by Priscilla Alexander, who was the Co-Director of COYOTE in the 1970s, has been particularly difficult for me to wrap my brain around. I would love to imagine society where legalized prostitution somehow eliminated all violence against women, but this article by Dr. Caroline Norma suggests that this is not the case. Many women working in legal brothels in Australia are still concerned about their physical safety. Asian women in one Victorian brothel apparently tend to "work for a matter of months before disappearing," and 89 street prostitutes in St. Kilda shared their stories of physical and sexual assault in a report by Inner South Health (qtd. in Norma).
Sex-negative and anti-prostitution groups began to organize in response to COYOTE. In the 1980s, Women Hurt in Systems of Prostitution Engaged in Revolt, or WHISPER, formed. WHISPER argued that women cannot choose prostitution because prostitution is a product of the patriarchy. Thus, all women in prostitution are victims who need to be saved, and the institution of prostitution should be eliminated completely (Jenness 413). Kathleen Barry, the founder of the International Feminist Network Against Female Sexual Slavery, cited a similar opinion formed from her research by claiming, "[t]he Xaviera Hollanders of the world only represent about 5 percent of the prostitute population. More often, prostitutes are runaways who become pimp-controlled, and pimp-controlled prostitution is female sexual slavery" (qtd. in Jenness 413).
COYOTE and WHISPER's vastly different views on prostitution reflect the complexity of the issue. I tried to do some research to find out how many sex workers have historically fallen into the "happy hooker" category, but I wound up empty-handed. I did find some relatively recent numbers, however. In one study from 1998, 88% of the respondents interviewed, which included women, men, and trans sex workers, said that they wanted to leave prostitution (Farley and Barkan,46). Although they may have entered prostitution willingly, it seems that most of them did not have the resources necessary to exit it. Most had experienced violence or rape on the job, especially the women and trans people (Farley and Barkan,45). Obviously, it is impractical to generalize the results of one study across time and place, but it is certainly is not a stretch to say that sex work still traps and hurts many women today.
As COYOTE began to immerse itself in feminist discourse, feminists began to theorize more about prostitution and policy. Some viewed sex work with a sex-positive framework, even going so far as to suggest that the "[p]rohibition [of prostitution] promotes disrespect for women, promotes violence and promotes rape. . . . If we had legalized porn and prostitution at the same time, we wouldn't be sitting on the powder keg of sex and violence we're sitting on in this country." (qtd. in Jenness 412). This claim, made by Priscilla Alexander, who was the Co-Director of COYOTE in the 1970s, has been particularly difficult for me to wrap my brain around. I would love to imagine society where legalized prostitution somehow eliminated all violence against women, but this article by Dr. Caroline Norma suggests that this is not the case. Many women working in legal brothels in Australia are still concerned about their physical safety. Asian women in one Victorian brothel apparently tend to "work for a matter of months before disappearing," and 89 street prostitutes in St. Kilda shared their stories of physical and sexual assault in a report by Inner South Health (qtd. in Norma).
Sex-negative and anti-prostitution groups began to organize in response to COYOTE. In the 1980s, Women Hurt in Systems of Prostitution Engaged in Revolt, or WHISPER, formed. WHISPER argued that women cannot choose prostitution because prostitution is a product of the patriarchy. Thus, all women in prostitution are victims who need to be saved, and the institution of prostitution should be eliminated completely (Jenness 413). Kathleen Barry, the founder of the International Feminist Network Against Female Sexual Slavery, cited a similar opinion formed from her research by claiming, "[t]he Xaviera Hollanders of the world only represent about 5 percent of the prostitute population. More often, prostitutes are runaways who become pimp-controlled, and pimp-controlled prostitution is female sexual slavery" (qtd. in Jenness 413).
COYOTE and WHISPER's vastly different views on prostitution reflect the complexity of the issue. I tried to do some research to find out how many sex workers have historically fallen into the "happy hooker" category, but I wound up empty-handed. I did find some relatively recent numbers, however. In one study from 1998, 88% of the respondents interviewed, which included women, men, and trans sex workers, said that they wanted to leave prostitution (Farley and Barkan,46). Although they may have entered prostitution willingly, it seems that most of them did not have the resources necessary to exit it. Most had experienced violence or rape on the job, especially the women and trans people (Farley and Barkan,45). Obviously, it is impractical to generalize the results of one study across time and place, but it is certainly is not a stretch to say that sex work still traps and hurts many women today.
At the end of the day, all
feminists really want is for women to stop being harmed through sex work. While
prostitutes' rights groups like COYOTE have attempted to reconstruct the
narrative of sex work, other feminists believe prostitution is inherently
oppressive and cannot be "fixed." The reality, though, is that
prostitution is happening, that some women are forced into it by coercion,
poverty, or other factors, and that some women (though perhaps a small
number) freely choose to become sex workers instead of pursuing other job
options. As feminists look forward to the future, we must look for solutions
that take all types of sex workers and
their experiences into account.
COYOTE
is still active today. To check out one of their websites, visit: http://www.coyotela.org/,
http://coyoteri.org/wp/, or https://www.facebook.com/CoyoteGeorgiaChapter/info/?tab=page_info.
Works Cited
Farley,
Melissa, and Howard Barkan. "Prostitution, Violence, and Posttraumatic
Stress Disorder." Women & Health 27.3 (1998): 37-49. Web. 24
Apr. 2016.
Jenness,
Valerie. "From Sex as Sin to Sex as Work: COYOTE and the Reorganization of
Prostitution as a Social Problem." Social Problems 37.3 (1990):
403-20. Web. 19 Apr. 2016.
Norma, Caroline. "It's Time to Get Serious about
Sex Trafficking in Australia." The Sydney Morning Herald. Fairfax Media,
13 Oct. 2011. Web. 24 Apr. 2016.
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